Zou Gal (Kuki Rising) 1917 - 1919

A COMMEMORATIVE SPEECH ON

ZOU GAL (Kuki Rising) 1917 – 1919

by

Dr. David Vumlallian Zou

Delhi University

on the 1^st Zou Gaal Day (17 March 2011)

MP’s Club, South Avenue, New Delhi

“The most serious incident in the history of Manipur and its relations with its Hill subjects was the Kuki rebellion … it cost 28 lakhs of rupees to quell, and in the course of it many lives were lost.”[1]

- Sir Robert Reid, Governor of Assam

Shakespear’s Map (1929) & ZLS Sketch[2] (2002)

Colonel L.W. Shakespear prepared a sketch map of the “Area of Operations during the Kuki Rebellion 1917-19 in which Columns of Assam Rifles and Burma Military Police Battalions were employed.” In this sketch published in 1919, Shakespear included familiar places inhabited by the Zou such as Hengtham (Hiangtam), Chibu (Tonjang) and Shuganoo (Sugnu).

The scenes of fighting shown in the ZLS Sketch such as Singngat, Muollum, Munpi, Saipheh, Behiang are missing in the map of Shakespeare. Mombi and Longya are the two villages in southern Manipur that stands out in the official map; but I have not been able to identify them with the present map of Manipur.

Event Sequence

1.3 million combatants and non-combatants from India went to Mesopotamia (i.e., the three Ottoman vilavets of Basra, Mosul and Bagdad) during World War I. Of this, 293, 152 non-combatants served as Porter Corps and Labour Corps[3] under the Indian Army Act of 1911, and this included 1,602 prisoners. The British has a strong commercial and strategic interest in the Persian Gulf with the formation of Anglo-Persian Oil Company[4]. The forces from India (Indian Expeditionary Force D) occupied Basra to protect oil works at Abadan in southern Persia (Iran).

First Labour Corps for Mesopotamia

Spring 1916

The British recruited labour corps for the war efforts in Mesopotamia from tribals of the Santhal Pargana, Chota Nagpur and by tapping Indian jails. In the words of Lt. Col. W.B. Lane of the Indian Medical Services, “The honour of India was upheld first by aborigines and then by convicts.”[5] But the Santhals of Mayurbhanj (a chiefdom in Bihar and Orissa) rose in rebellion against attempts to force them into the Labour Corps[6].

Spring 1917

The Government of India asked Maharaja of Manipur, Churachand Singh, to supply labourers for the war in Mesopotamia.

March 1917

Colonel Cole managed to enroll about 736 labourer from Manipur, good response from the Tangkhul area. In total, about 4,000 men proceeded towards Mesopotamia.

Second Labour Corps for France

August 1917

The Government of India set a target of finding another 50,000 men for Labour Corps for France. To satisfy this hunger for human resource, the Government sent a request for a Second Labour Corps to which the Maharaja of Manipur wrote to the Viceroy: “In view of the size and frequency of the drafts required for the first Corps of hillmen, I regret that I shall be unable to raise a second Corps of hillmen. But I hope to raise a second Corps, when required, from any valley Manipuri subjects, and it is my desire to accompany it on active service.”[7] The Maharaja’s offer was refused as the Chief Commissioner of Assam feared the disapproval of conservative Hindu Meiteis.

September 1917

The chiefs of Mombi (Ngulkhup) and of Longya (Ngulbul) were the first to dissent. With an escort of 100 riflemen, the Political Agent and Captain Coote set out for Mombi village (six days out from Imphal) to arrest Ngulkhup, who was the first chief to revolt against the British authorities. As Ngulkhup refused to meet the Political Agent, Mombi was burnt down. They were en route for Longya when orders were received to return and to take no further action with the Kukis[8].

December 1917

For about two months, both side did nothing. But suddenly Chiefs of Hinglep and Ukhul raided the Manipur State Forest Toll Station at Ithai[9]. Mrs. Cole, the wife of the Political Agent of Manipur, knew Ngulkhup of Mombi personally, and attempted to mediate by meeting Ngulkhup near Sugnu. But negotiations broke down.

Military Suppression, Phase I

January 1918

On 22 January 1918, two columns from Manipur and Burma were ready to strike.

(a) First Column – Imphal & Teddim

Captain Steadman to proceed from Teddim to Mombi to converge with Captain Coote and Mr. Higgins (Assistant Political Officer?) moving through Mombi and Longya area[10]. Steadman was badly wounded at three places[11]. Using Haika as a military base, it was apparently Captain Coote who crossed the Imphal River (Guun) to attack Gawtengkot stockade that became famous in Zou folklore. It was on record that Higgins received a severe bruise “on his shoulder from a spent bullet”[12] while he was in action in the Mombi area.

(b) Second Column – Imphal

The Political Agent of Manipur and Captain Hebbert to proceed from Imphal towards Tamu to reopen the Burma road[13].

Escorted by the Assam Rifles, the Political Agent of Manipur, Cosgrave, proceeded to Tammu, burning hostile villages on his way.

February 1918

Hutton conducted operations in the western hills of Manipur with a column of Naga Hills Rifles. Laipi, chief of Senting, surrendered before Hutton. Meanwhile, Colonel Cloete led a force from Silchar to Imphal. And Cosgrave marched to south-west Manipur.

May 1918

Home Department accepted the need to provide better equipment to the Assam Rifles. Military operations would halt during the monsoon, and resumed in the next winter. Beatson-Bell, the Chief Commission of Assam, came to Imphal to consult the local authorities.

July 1918

Beatson-Bell visited Shimla to seek advice from the Viceroy and the Commander-in-Chief[14]. The Political Agent of Manipur and the Deputy Commissioner of the Naga Hills were summoned to Shillong to discuss the renewal of operations in the next winter. This would be under the unified command of General Keary[15].

August 1918

General Keary arrived in Shillong to plan the military campaign involving the combined forces of Assam and Burma. He would assume complete military as well as political control of all the areas under operation[16].

Military Suppression, Phase II

January 1919

Operations resumed, and the General Officer commanding Manipur reported 44 persons killed, 48 villages burnt, 40 mithuns killed, large quantities of food grain destroyed, and 44 rebels made to surrender.

February 1919

The British occupied Chief Ngulbul’s Longya village, killed his son, and arrested his brother along with another 55 persons. They also captured the chief of Ukha, Ngulkhup (chief of Mombi), Tinton (chief of Longya) with his henchman Enjakap[17].

June 1919

Active operations were over, and rebels were tried by a Special Tribunal under Regulation 111 of 1818.

Personalities: Leadership

Ngulkhup, chief of Mombi; Mombi stands about 5000 feet high up and commands a most extensive view to south and west, the eye ranging over a sea of tangled hills and valleys from the Manipur valley to the far distant Chin Hills.

Ngulbul, chief of Longya

Tintong, chief of Layang who raided the Kabui Nagas

Pachei, an old chief of Chassad, was the last to surrender; Chassad was in the unadministered area of Somra Tract.

Chengjapao, head of the Thados

Khotinthang, chief of Jampi, head of the Thado clan; allegedly claimed to be the Maharaja and collected revenues and guns from weaker villages.

The piece complied by ZLS gave a list of Zou leaders who surrendered at Hiangtam in 1919; as –

Pu Goulun, Pu Langzagin, Pu Lagou, Pu Tonghau, Pu Henkham, Pu Vungdam, Pu Suohgou, Pu Helthang, Pu Lampum, Pu Suohkham, and Pu Salet.

We also have another list of 48 names who participated in the Zou Gaal, and another list of 10 names who were imprisoned by a Special Tribunal. We need to find more information about our war heroes, and perhaps compiled them as a collection of short biographies.

Kumbi against Kangla

Chingakhamba Sanachouba Singh, Manipuri pretender to the throne ; he lived with his disciples at Kumbi near Moirang. According to colonial reports, Chingakham told the Kukis that “he was destined to be a raja and that if they would follow him and help him he would make things pleasant for him in every way possible when he came to power and that their house tax should only be Rs. one per year … the Manipuri had told them that the sahibs had gone to fight the Germans and that there were very few troops left in Imphal.”[18]

Chinga Khamba claimed to be the elder brother of the incumbent Mahajara of Manipur, Churachand Singh. At Moirang, he was instrumental in the establishment of some unauthorized courts[19].

John Paratt[20] (2005) saw Changakham’s role as a “testimony to patriotism of the Kukis, and a strong tie between the two people of hill and valley in any emergency” (p. 42).

Interpretations

Official Version

Shakespeare recalled that Major John Butler (the elder) in the early 1850s wrote that procrastination and forbearance of the British would be seen by “savages” as a sign of fear and weakness. He further claimed, “Had they [Political Agent and Capt. Coote] been allowed to punish Longya as well, it is probably the clans would have thought better than to rebel; as it was, the speedy retirement of the detachment heartened both Chiefs, who sent in messages to the effect that they closed their country to us … [pp. 210-11] The start of this rebellion was largely due to our procrastination in not dealing at once and fully with it when the trouble first showed itself” (p. 212).

Subaltern Perspective

According to Bhadra, the “Kuki uprising was the outcome of three distinct forces – anti-British, intra-tribal, and intra-dynastic.”[21] (p. 35). The Kukis resented forced labour that consisted of two types: first, Pothang Bekari – the obligation to carry goods and baggage for touring officers, or construction works without payment (locally called “pawt pua”; and second, Pothang Senkhai – household contribution in cash or kind such as chicken, egg, or meat to feed touring officers free of cost[22]. Because of a strong movement against pothang, it was abolished in the valley of Manipur in 1913. But it was retained in the hill areas. In 1915-16, there were individual petitions by hillmen asking for exemptions from pothang. Gautam Bhadra observed that “a clear transition took place from making petition, to excuse, to direct refusal”[23] (p. 18).

Outcomes

At the end of Kuki Rising in 1919, “the hill people were for the first time brought under intensified political and administrative control of an imperial power” (Lal Dena, 1991: 134)[24]. “Rules for Management of the State of Manipur”[25] was discussed seriously and implemented by the Government of India.

(a) British paternalism: Sir Nocholas Dodd Beatson Bell, the Chief Commissioner of Assam (19 April 1919) proposed that the colonial Sub-Divisional Officers would be permanently posted in the hill areas of Manipur and “generally act as fathers to the hillmen and restore their confidence in the British raj.”[26]

J.E. Webster, Chief Secretary to the Chief Commissioner of Assam (1 Jan. 1918) wrote, “The insolence of the Kuki and his lack of regard for authority is due to the fact that he has never been taught the lesson of disobedience, either by the Manipur Raj or the imperial Government. These hill tribes do not become tractable citizens until they have experienced the heavy hand of the paramount.”[27]

(b) Three hill subdivisions (Churachandpur under B.C. Gasper, Tamenglong under W. Shaw, Ukhrul under L.L. Peter) were created after this, briefly discontinued and revived in 1932 with four subdivisions. Senapati (the Mao-Maram area) was initially excluded in the hill subdivision, and was directly administered directly the Durbar President from Imphal. In the new administrative arrangement, the Political Agent would closely supervise the hill administration through the British SDOs instead of the native agents called lambus.

(c) Creation of seven Assam Rifles outposts now known as “the sentinels of the hills”.

(d) The British state proposed to “open up roads, administer simple, set up schools and hospitals”.

(e) The Raj had a chance to recast itself as the paternalist protector of the weaker (read loyal) villages and the propagator of peace among their hill subjects during the course of the Kuki Rising. Ningmuanching (2010) “Communities that had coexisted as a hill people [sic.] now emerged as hostile who had apparently inherited a history of antagonism. British intervention … transformed inter-village feuds into ethnic conflict between hill people who were now grouped as the Nagas and the Kukis”[28] (p. 107).

J.E. Webster, Chief Secretary to the Chief Commissioner of Assam (June 1918) reported that over 1000 persons (“friendlies”) from villages loyal to the British camp at Imphal due to “the terror of the Kukis”[29].

Dawn of Political Consciousness

How did the experience and memory of the war returnees who met at Suangpi shape the subsequence “hill politics” or political consciousness” of southern Manipur?

Radhika Singha said, “The imperial quest for labor yields new perspectives on the political transformations underway in the course of the Great War … Flight and episodes of full-scale resistance on the part of those targeted for noncombatant recruitment influenced this reevaluation, as did their marked preference for fixed and limited terms … The Kuki-Chin uprising of 1917-1918, and other smaller convulsions in the northeastern hill districts brought on by labor recruitment for the war, alerted the Army authorities in France to the need to maintain contractual faith with ‘hill-men’ who had gone there in Labor Corps … Limited terms and rising wages could make ‘noncombatant’ service attractive enough to cut into combatant recruitment” (p. 442).

Memory & Memorials

(a) Zogal Jr. High School was established at Tuining in 1972, but later relocated at Behiang village where it received Grant-in-Aid on 1 October 1980.

Zou Gaal Memorial Shield was introduced on 19 October 1976. Zou Gaal Hall was built in 1978 with financial assistance from the Government, and it is being redeveloped currently at the same construction site.

(b) A statue of Chengjapao Dougel, “King of the Kukis and the leader of the Kuki Rising, 1917-1919” in the heart of Moreh town).

(c) In 1958, the Kuki Political Sufferers’ Association of Manipur (KPSAM) demanded a “War Memorial in the heart of Imphal town to commemorate Kuki Martyrs and Sufferers”[30]. Accordingly, a plot was given at Imphal where the Kuki Inn came up in 1963. Recently the central government sanctioned funds for a war memorial complex which includes a museum, a library and a committee hall in the same premises.

A Note on Primary Sources

(a) National Archives of India, New Delhi

Foreign Department, Political Files

Home Department , Police Files

(b) Manipur State Archives, Keishampat Junction, Imphal

Administrative Reports of the Manipur State (annual) 1916 - 1919

Tour Diaries of the Manipur Political Agency, 1916 – 1919

Kuki Rebellion Paper, 1917 – 1919

(c) D.C.’s Court, Imphal

Boundary Register that lists Kuki villages and their specific role during the rebellion;

Petitions and Orders passed, divided into civil, criminal and miscellaneous; it presents vignettes on the inner life and politics of the Kuki villages.

Bibliography

Bhadra, Gautam (1975) “The Kuki (?) Uprising 1917-1919: Its Causes and Nature” Man in India, 55 (1): 11 – 56.

Chishti, S M A W (2004) Kuki Uprising In Manipur 1919-1920, Guwahati: Spectrum Publication (82 pp; Rs. 295).

Chishti, S M A W , Political Development in Manipur 1919-1949, Delhi: Kalpaz Publications.

Guite, Jangkhomang (2011) “Monuments, Memory and Forgetting in postcolonial North-East India” Economic and Political Weekly, February 19, 2011, Vol. XLVI, No. 8, pp. 56 – 64.

Lal Dena (1991) “Some Anomalies of Colonial Rule, 1891 – 1919” pp. 70-88, in Lal Dena, History of Modern Manipur 1826-1949, New Delhi: Orbit Publishers & Distributors, p. 81.

Ningmuanching (2010) Reading Colonial Representations: Kukis and Nagas of Manipur, Unpublished M.Phil dissertation, Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, 2010.

Reid, Robert (1942) History of the Frontier Areas bordering on Assam from 1883-1941, Shillong: Assam Government Press, p. 79.

Shakespear, Colonel L.W. (1929) History of the Assam Rifles, p. 216.

Singha, Radhika (2007) “Finding Labor from India for the War in Iraq: The Jail Porter and Labour Corps, 1916-1920” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 49 (2): 412 – 445.

Zou Literature Society (2002) “Zou Gaal” pp. 19 – 27 in Chinthu Zaila – Zou Literature Reader X, Churachandpur: Published by T. Lamkhothawng on behalf of ZLS.

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[1] Robert Reid (1942) History of the Frontier Areas bordering on Assam from 1883-1941, Shillong: Assam Government Press, p. 79.

[2] Zou Literature Society (2002) “Zou Gaal” pp. 19 – 27 in Chinthu Zaila – Zou Literature Reader X, Churachandpur: Published by T. Lamkhothawng on behalf of ZLS.

[3] Radhika Singha (2007) “Finding Labor from India for the War in Iraq: The Jail Porter and Labour Corps, 1916-1920” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 49 (2): 412 – 445.

[4] Lt. Col. A. T. Wilson (1930) Loyalties in Mesopotamia, 1914-1917, London.

[5] NAI, New Delhi, Home Department, Political, B, Feb. 1917, nos. 353-96. Cited in Singha (2007) “Finding Labor from India for the War in Iraq” p. 412.

[6] NAI, New Delhi, Foreign & Political Department, Internal, Sept. 1918, nos. 84 – 100.

[7] National Archives of India (hereafter NAI), New Delhi, Foreign Department, Political File No. 54, 1917.

[8] Colonel L.W. Shakespear (1929) History of the Assam Rifles, p. 216.

[9] Office of the Political Agent, Special File n. 388, 1919, SLRB, Imphal.

[10] Shakespear, History of the Assam Rifles, p. 214.

[11] Shakespear, History of the Assam Rifles, p. 219.

[12] Shakespear, History of the Assam Rifles, p. 220.

[13] Shakespear, History of the Assam Rifles, p. 214.

[14] NAI, New Delhi, Home Department, Political File no. 31, 1918.

[15] NAI, New Delhi, Home Department, Political File no. 185, 1918.

[16] NAI, New Delhi, Home Department, Police Files no. 47, 1919.

[17] NAI, New Delhi, Home Department, Police Files no. 8, 1919.

[18] Manipur State Archives, Imphal, Webster’s letter No. 81, dated 3 Jan. 1918.

[19] NAI, New Delhi, Home Department, Political File no. 29, 1918.

[20] Paratt, John (2005) Wounded Land: Politics and Identity in Modern Manipur, New Delhi.

[21] Gautam Bhadra (1975) “The Kuki (?) Uprising 1917 – 1919: Its Causes and Naure” in Man in India, March, pp. 10 – 56.

[22] Lal Dena (1991) “Some Anomalies of Colonial Rule, 1891 – 1919” pp. 70-88, in Lal Dena, History of Modern Manipur 1826-1949, New Delhi: Orbit Publishers & Distributors, p. 81.

[23] Gautam Bhadra (1975) “The Kuki (?) Uprising 1917-1919: Its Causes and Nature” Man in India, 55 (1): 11 – 56.

[24] Lal Dena (1991) (ed.) History of Modern Manipur 1826 – 1949, New Delhi: Orbit Publishers & Distributors.

[25] NAI, New Delhi, Foreign Department, Political Files no.1011 (1923).

[26] Cited in Lal Dena (1991) “Kuki Rebellion 1917-1920” (pp. 126-134) in Lal Dena, ed. History of Modern Manipur, p. 133.

[27] National Archives of India, New Delhi, Foreign and Political Department, Webster’s letter dated 1 Jan. 1918, “Rebellion of the Kuki Tribes”, Webster’s letter 1 Jan. 1918.

[28] Ningmuanching (2010) Reading Colonial Representations: Kukis and Nagas of Manipur, Unpublished M.Phil dissertation, Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, 2010.

[29] NAI, New Delhi, Foreign and Political Department, Rebellion of the Kuki Tribes, Webster’s letter 5 June 1918.

[30] Guite, Jangkhomang (2011) “Monuments, Memory and Forgetting in postcolonial North-East India” Economic and Political Weekly, February 19, 2011, Vol. XLVI, No. 8, pp. 56 – 64.

“TANGMI PHA LEH ZAWNNA GALDOUNA” – SUITHANA

by David Vumlallian Zou

THUPATNA

Gospel Tangkou (Jan – April 2004 issue) ah “Tangmi Pha leh Zawnna Galdouna” chi ka hing gel ngai a, Tapidaw kisinsahna bukim leh kiselbuh zawh nelsia lou di’n hanthawnna khenkhat i gen zou ta hi. Sawltah Paul in “Pasian thu bubit” (Acts 20:27) ka hing pe sawnna hi, a na chi bang in, mihing hagau lam leh tahsa lam a di’a Gospel in “khiatna” nei tuahtuah ahi dan zong i gen kha ta hi. Khris Jesus in Galilee a nasep (ministry) apat tung apat, Jerusalem a nasep teng a zaw tan in a ministry pen huap lian in en gige hi. Galilee a Jesu’n nasep a pat chiil in, a tup-le-nimna (manifesto) puankhiatna masa pen khat a bawl hi:

“Mangpa Hagau ka tung ah a om hi, aziahpen mizawng-te kung a Tangmi Pha gen din sathau a hing nu hi. Saltaangte suahtatna ding, mittawte mitvahna ding, suhgenthei a omte zalensah ding, leh Mangpa lungdam kum thu puang ding a ahing sawl ka hi” (Luke 4:18).

Evangelical Tapidaw sung a Bible commentator tampi-te’n tami Jesu thugen pen ahibang lian (literal interpretation) in pom hamsa sa ua, tuaziahin khiatna thuap-nei (allegorical interpretation) dan maimai in khiatna a pia uhi. Tuaziahin, Jesu’n mizawng-te a chi pen mizawng-te genna hilou in, hagau mizawng-te a suah ta uhi. Saltaang-te leh mittaw-te zong hagau lam thu ngen genna ahing suah zel hi. Hinanleh, a tahtahin Jesu’n mizawng leh mittaw a chi leh hagau lam mai hilou in tahsa lam a mizawng leh mittaw-te zong a genna ahi pai mai hi. Bangkim hagau lam pilna dan ngen a khiat sang in, khat veivei Pasian hing piahsa lungsim toh mawl tah a khiatna pen dei huai zaw hun om hi. Tami Jesu thugen in “khotang a di’n thutuun” (social content) nei ahi chi, Galilee leh Judea a anasepna apat kimuthei hi. Bangkim hagau keleu dan a khiatna leh etna pen khovel leh khotang a Tapidaw-te mopuahna omte apat kilepmangna (escapism) lampi khat maimai ahia, hagau-mi hina zong ahi tuan sih hi.

KHRIS ITNA THUGEN LEH NASEP A “LEKHIATNA”

Jacob laigelh in sakhona dihtah leh hagau mitna hichidan in a hilchian a, “Pasian a dia sakhona dihtah leh siangthou ahileh tami ahi: tagate leh meithaite panpi ding leh khovel apat kikep siang thou ding” (Jakob 1: 27). Jakob in khovel apat kikangkoi ding a chi sih a, khovel apat taimang-pitmang ding zong a chi tuan sih hi. “Khovel apat kikep siangthou ding” chi ahi zawh hi. I zahsa hinanleh, Mother Teresa thugen khat vei i gen sawn kia dia, “Thumna nei a khut kikilte sang in, nahoi sepna a khut niahte a siangthou zaw hi”. Mother Teresa in misiangthou suahna di’n Catholic sister-te biahinn siangthou sung ah a sui sih a, Calcutta a tagate leh mizawngte teenna “slum” mun namsia leh niah kai lah ah a sui zaw hi. Jacob in “khovel apat kikep siangthou ding” achi khiatna kichian pen tami himai lou ding ama? Hagau a sianthou utna ziah a khovel apat pitmang sawm a, i unau mihing pite nasan kidahna lungsim pai ding pen sil mothuai hinanleh, sil piang thei tah khat zong ahi mawh hi.

Tuleh Welsh missionary Dr. Peter Fraser in Mizogam a Sila khoi (“bawi” kichite) zalenna ding na sual a, Silo Lalte leh British solkal doudalnate a na thuah ngam dante zong i theisa ahi. Edinburgh University minthang tah apat na graduate khia, missionary Dr. Fraser in Mizogam a Pasian hatna a tan pen hichin a gen hi: “To translate the love of Christ into words and deeds that the poor heathen can understand …”[1] (Ginglou-te theisiam thei di’a Khris itna thugen leh nasep a lekhiat ding). “Lekhiat ding” chi kammal in khiatna thuhtah nei hi. Welsh missionary dang te’n lai nei lou Lushei-te a di’n Pasian thugen Bible ana letkhia ua, Dr. Fraser in Pasian nasep Mizo society a di’n sila suhbeina tungtawng in a na “letkhia” hi. August 2004 a Wales ka va zin lai in, 12 July 1909 ni a kisun laithot Dr. Fraser in Lunglei apat agelh khat ka va mu kha a, hichin kigelh hi:

“Lamet lou pi in tukum sung in tha-le-zung tampi silate complaint ngaikhiatna leh a gentheina uh panpina in ka hun tamipi ka subei hi. Na theisa ma bang un tulai tah in, hun hamsa in ahing tunkhum hi. Tami thu poimo tah [sila khoi tungtang] a Mangpa deilam bawl ahi theina ding ka lunggul mama hi. Unaute aw, tami silate a ding leh Lushei hausate a ding tham lou in, koute a di’n zong hing thumsah ta un” [2].

Dr. Fraser kamteng lian ahileh, “We are desirous of doing the Master’s will in this important matter”, chi ahi. “Mangpa deilam” (“the Master’s will”) bawl pen sil bailam lou ahi ngei di’a, Fraser zong a lungkhiat hun a om tham ding hi chi a kamteng apat kiman thei hi, “… tulai tah in, hun hamsa in ahing tun khum hi”. Vangphat huai tah in, Peter Fraser zi Mary Cathrine Fraser in a pasal a somdawl (thuap) thei hi. 28 June 1911 ni’n Mary Catherine in Shillong apat laithot khat a gelh a, UK a ding hilou in, Aizawl a hattuam-te a thot zawh hileh a kilawm hi. Tami Mary laithot in tua hun laitah 1911 kum a Fraser-te nupa lungsim ngaisunna dingdan suangtuana khat ahing pe thei hi:

“Hitui-naptui toh thumna a hun tampi ka zat zou nua in, … ka pasal pang thuap di’a ka din ngam ding ahi chi ka thei semsem hi … Na theisa ma bang un, tami nasep pen ka pasal in phutlui bang in a ngaisun a, tunglam mitvahna (heavenly vision) a nual sih hi. Tami [sila suahtatna] nasep pen sil siangthou tah semdia hatna ahi chi ka thei a, bangma gen belap thei ka nei tuan sih a, eite a hing it leh thuah sah pa Jesu khut sung ah ka aap zaw hi. I Mangpa ngei zong guta-tualthat (criminal) te taw simkhawm in ana om hi”[3].

Mizo laphuah-tu chidan hileh, Pasian in “Sangga-gentheite ka leh mauna na ngaikhe leng/ Thudih dei mite nasep na musit ngai sih … Namchin mial apat sal apawt kipah hen”. Fr. Fraser in thudih a deina ziah in, gentheina tampi a pal a ngai a, a mission field Aizawl apat British solkal in a hawlkhia hi. Hinanleh Dr. Fraser nasep pen losam tuan lou a, 1915 kum in Lushei leh Pawi-te lah a sila-te’n British dan nuai ah zalenna ahing mu law ta uhi. Dr. Fraser in Wales gam a missionary application form a fill-up lai a, “Khris itna thugen leh nasep a lekhiat ding” a chi in, Jesu’n Galilee gam a a-ministry apat tung lai a a thugen-te lungsim ah ahing lang sah hi: “Mangpa Hagau ka tung ah a om hi, aziahpen mizawng-te kung a Tangmi Pha gen din sathau a hing nu hi. Saltaangte suahtatna ding … suhgenthei a omte zalensah ding …” Hichibang zalenna nasep pen sil bailam hilou a, aman piah ngai a, gentheina zong thuah ding tampi om hi. Tuamiziah in, Mary Fraser in, Shillong apat Aizawl hattuamte lai athotna ah, “I Mangpa ngei zong guta-tualthat (criminal) te taw simkhawm in ana om hi” chi ahing theikhe tha hi. Luhlulna ziah a zong gentheina thuah thei tham ahi. Tuaziahin “genthei tuhahna” mai khu sil thupi ahi tuan sih a, “genthei thuahna ziah-le-san” khu sil poimaw pen ahi zaw hi. Tatkhialna ziah a gentheina pen gawtna ahia; hinanleh thudi panpi ziah a genthei thuahna pen mei a kihal suangmantam bang ahia, mihing lungsim a khangkhang in a taanvah thei hi. Tapidaw Galhang -- Dr. Fraser leh Mother Teresa te’n -- Jesu thugen leh nasepte theidan-mudan gil mama nei uhi. Sawltah Paul in “Pasian thu bubit” achi leh Jakob in “Pasian a dia sakhona dihtah leh siangthou” a chi taw kinai mama “tunglam mitvahna” (heavenly vision) khat a nei uhi.

Mihing hagau, tahsa leh khotang (soul-body-society) a di’a damna bukim thei pen di’a nasep utna Jesu ministry ah tamveipi kilang hi. Jesu pen hagau gilkial-te a di’a annpheng mai hilou in, mipi-te tahsa gilgialna zong nelsia tuan sam lou a, nga-le-annpheng bang na supung hial hi. “Mi gilkial leh puansil ding nei lou khat kung ah, ‘Taitah leh vah tahin pei tan’ chi’n a silding puan leh nehding ann pe tuan sih lei bang a phatuam diai?” (Jakob 2: 16). Mihing-te hagau keleu dan a etna leh, tahsa nei leh khotang a teng ahilam uh manghilna pen “Pasian thu bubit” chi ngam huai lou hi. Khantanhoi Mathai 5:13-14 ah, Tapidaw gingtu-te pen Jusu’n “khovel vah nahi uh”, “lei chi” (salt of the earth) na chi a, gingtu-te pen khotang (khovel) leh leitung (vantung hinai lou) a om ahi uh chi thei chian mama hi. Ei Protestant Tapidaw sung ah mimal sianthouna leh mimal ginna ki-uang gen seeng na lam ah, Tapidaw-te omna khotang suhvah ding leh chii bang a aal ding kinelsia mama hi. Kei ka sianthou nah leh hun, keima mimal hagau hutdam ahi nah leh hun, kou inn sung a bit nahleh hun, chidan a mimal angmasialna Protestant Tapidaw-te sung ah tam mama hi. Tuami ziahin khotang sianthouna tel lou mimal sianthouna na kidel sawm a, ahivang in Tapidaw-te teenna khotang niah-le-bua (corrupt) ahi chiang in gingtu mimal a tuam sianthou velvol chi ding zong a tawm mama a, zong a omthei mel sih hi. Mipil khat in hichi’n a gen a, “Migilou khenkhat ziah a society sia hilou in, mihoi tampite ziah a kisia ahi zawh hi”. A omdan pen ahileh, mi gilou khat-le-ni om ziah maimai a siatna hing tung hilou in, mihoi tampite’n thudih dinpi di’a a kam uh a kah ngam lou a, khut uh a lamtou ngam lou, ziah ua migiloute tupna tangtun sah a om ahi, chi nuam dan ihi.

Tanglai zawlnei-te bang a khotang niahna-buahna dou ngam mimal-te bou in mimal sianthouna a nei pan beb ding hi. Jesu’n zong a leitung nasepna ah zawlnei-te khotang veina hagau (spirit of social concern) tahlang mama hi. Tapidaw-te teenna society pen etton tah khotang (model society) khat ahi ding Pasian deina ahi. Gendan tuam in gen lei, Tapidaw-te society pen “khovel vah” leh “lei chii” ahi ding Jesu thuhilna ahi. Khovel ah bang ma a bukim om lou a, zong om thei lou ding a, hinanleh Van a Pasian deina bukim bawl ahibang a, lei a zong Ama deilam a bukim thei tan a bawl sawm di’a thupiah i hi. Mang Biahna i gen teng a tami pho tha di’a lamet i hi malam uhi. Tuami ding in, ahithei tan a “Pasian thu bubit” leh etton tah Tapidaw society tup ding ahing poimaw leuleu hi. Tapidaw-te hagau pichinna, tahsa pichinna leh khotang sianthouna chi sil thum tei beh tel lou muna (vision) pen “Pasian thu bubit” a ching zou sih ding hi.

Ei Zou Tapidaw sung ah mimal hagau hutdamna maimai ki-uang bawl a, tahsa hutdamna bang kinelsia zel a, khotang hutdamna leh sianthouna pen Vangam lam tun chiang a buaipi pan din kingai sun hi. Hinanleh Jesu nasep dan leh Thuhun Lui zawlnei-te hagau i sui leh, tami sianthouna chi thum teng zawh khawm a, ki-khen thei lou hi. Tami sil thum lah a khat penpen i nelsia leh “hagau-tahsa-khotang” khantouna dihtah leh kiselbuh om thei tuan lou hi. Sawltah Paul in Timothi kung a “thudih kiselbuh tah a hawm ding” (II Tim. 2: 15) – Mangkam in “rightly dividing the word of truth” – a chi pen sil hamsa hinanleh, Khristian pichinna dia sil poimaw mama ahi. A.W. Tozer in hi chi’n a gen a, “Tung leng vate ha khat maimai in leng thei lou a, tuachin Thudih in zong ha ni kisam hi” a chi hi. Laphuah-tu in “Khristian peidan siam in …” achi khu Khristian hinkhua genna mai hilou in, kithuhilna leh sil etdan himhim a kiselbuhna theisiamna di’n kisam hi. Hichibang kiselbuhna ahileh hagau nawitui maimai a kivahte’n nei thei zepzep lou a, Tapidaw piching angum a kivahte leh sia-le-pha khen siam te bou in nei thei zaw uhi (Heb. 5: 13). Hebrai laigelhtu in mi piching khat pen a “khophohna zatmun leh taathiam a om in, sia-le-pha a khen thei hi” (Heb. 5:14) achi hi. Sapkam in hichi’n a gen a, “Those who by reason of use have their sense exercised to discern both good and evil”. Thudih selbuh theina lam a pichinna pen zankhat-sunkhat thu a tun thei hilou ahi chi Hebrai gelhtu in a thei a, tuaziahin “khophohna zatmun leh taathiam” ziah ahi (“by reason of use … sense exercise”) chi a gen vateh hi.

Khut langkhat a Bible himlang bang a tawi a, khut lang khat a “newspaper” tawh selbuh tuah theina pen Khristian piching te a dia “khophona taathiamna” chi khat ahi malam hi. Tulai khang a Tapidaw-te mimal leh khotang hamsatnate i et chiang a, i mit lang ni a ha kilkel a, mihingte “hagau-tahsa-khotang” (soul-body-society) a om ahi chi mutheina leh phohna bang pichinna leh “khophohna taathiamna” lampi khat ahi leuleu hi. Ahithei tantan a, “Pasian thu bubit” suithuh tinten na, leh thu langbai maimai a lungkim louna zong “khophohna taathiamna” chi khat ahi kia hi. Sum Rs. 100/- note pen a lang khat maimai kisun maw leh bukim lou ding a, tuama bang in thudih in zong maitang ni, leh lang ni nei a, tuami maitang ni tegel i musua matan a lungkim lou ding ahi. Mi tampi pen thudih chanve taw lungkim paipai a, sum note lang khat maimai kisun bang in thudih langkhat maimai sumkuang chiang kei in a kei uhi. Tami pen Tapidaw pichinna hi lou a, “khophohna taathiamna” lampi zong ahi sih hi.

Zou sung a pawl kikhenna ziah poimaw khat ahileh thudih ha lang ni, leh thudih maitang lang ni i musua zou lou ziah hidi’n ka gingta hi. “Ei theina leh peidan maimai dih, amau peidan Pasian deidan hi sih” chi ngadan Khristian khat in a nei chiang in, “khophohna taathiamna” leh pichinna lampi apat pial mang ahi ta a, “Khristian peidan siam in” chi phoh tha hun ahi. Aziah pen “Pasian thu bubit” pen mimal khat leh pawl khat maimai in innkawm-bemkawm a kep thei ahi sih a, kiniam khiat leh “khophohna taathiam” a i sui gige ding Lampi ahi zaw hi. Tami pichinna pen tunna-le-khawlna ding mun phah tawp ahi sih a, peina leh kitaat hiamna ding Lampi genna ahi zaw hi. “Pasian thu bubit” pen singkuang sung a khum den thei leh mimal a tan den thei sil ahi sih a, hinanleh Tapidaw piching leh “khophohna taathiam” a om te’n kiniam khiat tah a tuami Lampi a sui chiang un a gaalmu thei zelzel ua, Thudih ha ni leh maitang ni tegel zong a lunsim mit uah kilang thei zelzel hi. Hichi bang thudih maitang ni muthei leh mitvahna nei Tapidaw piching khat a di’n i kibuaina leh kikhenna tampite uh sil mot huai bang in kilang a, Tapidaw-te a di’n mualphouna ahi chi zong a mu thei hi. Tami pen mihing etdan kiningching zaw, Khristiante pen tahsa-hagau-khotang a om ahi chi muna-theina a nei ziah ahi. Mi khen khat in mihing pen hagau (soul) maimai in en ua, hagau mangthang mat ding chua a ngai kho uhi. Mi khen khat kia in pen mihingte tahsa (body) nei maimai in a mu ua, tahsa a ding sum-le-paite chi lou bangma a ngaikhoh sih uhi. Mi khen khat leuleu in mihing pen khotang (society) a om ahi chi thei na pi’n mimal zaleenna zong poimaw ahi lam a neisia zel uhi. Muna bukim zaw leh piching zaw i nei theina di’n tami sil thum – hagau, tahsa, khotang – a bawn a mu suah gige kisam a, khenkhiat ding ahi vawt sih uhi. Tapidaw ginum Dr. Peter Fraser leh Mother Teressa-te bang in Jesu nasepna kiningching ahidan na muchian ua, zong na enton tham uhi. Tuaziah in, Dr. Peter Fraser in “Khris itna nasep a lekhiat ding” ana tum a, Silo hausate khut apat Bawi Sila-te a di’n suahtatna na tun hi. Dr. Fraser in a “Mangpa deina” (Master’s will) muna-le-theina piching tah nei a, tuaziahin a Pasian nasepna ziah in, Mizo Tapidaw-te’n “Mangpa loupi pen pah bang ka hing tawi uh …” achi thei uhi. Ana i sepsah i Pu deina kiningching tah a mu ding poimaw mama hi. Tua ahi lou leh pen i nemngainate zong phatuam lou di’a, i Mangpa leh a hattuamte a di’a mualphotna, zumna-daina leh kikhenna meikuang tan pha kitun thei beb hi.

HATTUAM SANG A “SOCIETY” NGAINA ZAW?

[Ephriam an wild ass by itself – I’ll heal their land].

“Society” chi kammal pen Zoukam in lekhiat ahamsa mama hi. Khatvei teng society pen “khotang hinkhua” chin kilet suh gawp a, hinanleh a dih thei sih a, mi khenkhat in “society” omdan a pum theikhial law uhi. Society in khotang hinkhua ban ah, tawndan, hindan, neh-le-tah suidan, politiks a kivaikhawm dan, leh Pasian biahdante a koh kha hi. Mikhen khat in “society” kammal leh “organization” a kibang dan in a ngaisun ua, tami in lung buaina a tun thei hi. “Society” chi kam mal tami thului (article) a i zatdan ahleh Building Society genna maimai ahi sih a, Women Society leh Marup Sen Society genna zong ahi tuan sih hi. Zilna lam a Sociology siamte’n “society” a chi pen gen nuam i hi zaw a, tami khiatna lian pen Zoukam in gen hamsa sim hi.

Atom a gen in, society pen mihing khat sang a tamzaw omna mun genna ahia, tuahziahin hattuam pawlpite zong society pulam a om ahi tuan sih uhi. Mimal khat tuikul-gam ah a ngentang in om leh society pulam a om chithei pan ahia, hinanleh lawm khat maimai a nei le zong society in a huampha veve hi. Pasian in mihingte society a teng dia asiam ahia, tuaziahin gamsa i hilou buang leh society sung a om ihi. Tapidaw-te pen ngal khaat (wild boar) leh zu tal (male mouse) tol ten bang a hing di’a lamet ahi sih ua, mesi nam (society of ants) leh khuai innkuan (family of bees) te bang a teeng dia siam tha ahi zaw uhi. Bible sung ah Paunahte’n mesi-te hinkhua sui ding in ahing hanthon kha tham hi, “Leitung ah sil neu mama, ahivang a apil-apil sil li a om hi. Mi thahat hisih nanleh uh, mesite’n doupi lai in a ne ding uh bu-le-baal a khol khawm uhi…” (Prov.30:24-25). Mun dang khat ma ah, Paunahte’n mesi-te apat taimatna zil di’n ahing kawhmu kia hi (Prov. 6:6). Zou sung gen lou Protestant Tapidaw-te sung ah, mi tampi in Khristian hinkhua pen mesi-te society sang in “zu tal tolten” bang dan in ngaisun nuam mama uhi.

Puritan laigel minthang John Bunyan bang in zong Khristian Khualzin (Pilgrim’s Progress)[4] kum zabi 17 hun lai a ana gelh in Khristian hinkhua pen ngal khaat (wild boar) leh zu tolten bang pian in na gelh zaw hi. Khristian Khualzin (1678 a kisun) pen Tapidaw laibu minthang leh thupi tah ahivang in, Bible a gingtu-te lim (Biblical image) saang in Puritan kuulmut-te lim toh kinai zaw hi. Gen dan tuam in gen lei, Tapidaw-te pen hagau nei, tahsa nei, khotang a teeng (soul-body-society) dan sang in John Bunyan “Khristian” mudan pen society pulam a, tahsa nei non lou, hagau keleu a hing dan in a kilang sah zaw hi. Tami pen “Pasian thu bubit” ching zou non lou zel hi. Hinanleh Bible in Tapidaw-te pen gamsa bang a tang tat ding leh khualzin di’n ahing lamen sih a, “mi khen khat bang in khat leh khat kipawl khawm ding na manghil sih un” (Heb. 10: 25) chi’a thuhil i hi zaw uhi. Jesu mama in zong, “Ka min a mi ni-le-thum na kikhop uleh na lah ua ka om ding hi” a na chi hi. “Ka min a mi khat maimai na kikhop uleh zong …” a chi sih hi. I Mangpa’n khat sang a tam zaw kikhopna gen nuam ahi chi mu thei ahi. Mikhat maimai pen “society” leh kikhopna, kichi thei lou hi. “Quite time” zat leh gingtu mimal thumna pen a poimaw a, hinanleh tami lampang uang bawlna lam ah Tapidaw-te pen “hagau-tahsa-khotang” (soul-body-society) chi sil thum teitei selbuh dia lamet ahilam manghil bailam mama hi. Tuaziah in, “Quite time” (mimal thumna) leh mimal Bible sim ding i gen lai un zong, Tapidaw-te’n pen a khut lang khat a Bible tawi a, a lang khat a “newspaper” tawi ding pen Khristian pichinna dia sil kisam ahi zaw hi.

Mikhen khat in “Hattuam pawlpi sang a society ngaina zaw” chi kammal a zang ngai ua, society leh hattuam pen melma bang in a gen kha uhi. Society pen tampi vei laibu (text) toh tekhin in omzel a, huchi hitaleh Thuhun Tha bute sang a Thuhun Lui bute ngaina zaw, chibang a om thei diai? Society pen Bible pumpi hitaleh, Thuhun Tha hattuamte pen New Testament(NT) laibu teng bang ahi. NT leh OT teng khat ahima bang in hattuam leh society zong khat ahi veve uhi. I society pen Tapidaw society asuahna dia pan i lah lou leh Khristian hattuam a beh a kisusiang thei tuan lou hi. Khrist ngei zong a chiil a Thu (logos) hinanleh tahsa leh sisan nei in Jew-mi hing suah a Jew-te society sung ah mihing bang in a om hi. Van a hing kipan hinanleh mihing society khu a nasepna “mission field” ahi. Tuaziah in, society pen “khotang hinkhua” china mai hizaw lou in, mihingte hinkhua leh khoheidan pumpi genna ahizaw hi. Tualeh society pen mi ni-le-thum kipun khawm genna maimai zong hi lou a, tuami kipun khawmna sil tha dan a muna-le-etna ahi zaw hi. Etsana di’n, tui (water) pen Hydorgen atom 2 leh Oxygen atom 1 kigawm ahia; hinanleh tui pen hydrogen chi thei ahi non sih a, oxygen zong ahi diah sih a, kigawmna sil tha “tui” kichi khu ahi mai hi. Hydrogen atom kidawn thei lou a, oxygen zong kidawm thei lou hi; hinanleh “tui” kidawn thei hi. Tuaziah in mi ni-le-thum om khawm pen society hinai lou a, tami kipunkhawmna apat sil tha hing piang pen society kichi zaw hi. Pahpe (flower) pen et lawm mama a, tua etlawmna thei ut in a nengneng in malzan in khenkhe lechin pahpe kilawmna mu ding om non lou zel hi. Tualeh pahpe a neng neng a kikhente pen pahpe kilawm gen thada, pahpe zong kichi thei non lou ding hi. Society om ziah zong hichi dan ahia, mimal ni-le-thum, pawl ni-le-thum kipun khawmna apat sil tha leh thupi zaw hing piang khia pen society chi thei pan ahi.

Kum zabi 19 lai a Dutch Calvinist theologian siam pen khat Abraham Kuyper (1837 – 1920) in Khristian-te leh i khotang/ bouruak kikal hilchetna navah pen khat ana gen kha ngai hi:

“God created hand, head, and heart; the hand for the deed, the head for the world, the heart for mysticism. King in deed, prophet in profession, and priest in heart, shall man in this threefold office stand before God …”[5].

Zoukam a lekhiatna,

“Pasian in khut, lutang, leh lungsim ana siam hi; nasepna din khut, khovel khosahna din lutang, leh hagau lam lunggelna din lungsim a siam hi. Nasep a kumpi bang in, khovel a zawlnei bang in, leh lunggelna a siampu bang in mihingte tami mopuahna chi thum toh Pasian masang ah a ding ding uhi”.

Abraham Kuyper in a gen zom zel na ah, Tapidaw-te pen “hattuam sung a kikhum chimit a, khovel pen a suahsuah ta hen chi thei gual hi lou hi. Tunglam apat hatna sang pen in khovel khantouna kalkhat sang zaw a dom tou a, Pasian deidan taw kinaisah sem ding leh, khovel a thanghuaina-buahna tampite (much painful corruption) kawm kal lah a, sil hoi tap hot, sil kilawm ta phot, leh genphat bang sil taphot zuun ding a thupiah ahi” [6] a chi hi. Kuyper in uar-bi nei Tapidaw-te leh ama khang a Tapidaw kulmuut (fundamentalist)-te genphatna ding a thei tuan sih a, hinanleh aw-dam tah in taihilna a bawl hi:

“Ei khang a Tapidaw kuulmut-te’n sakhona pen mimal kibutna suangkul in a nei mawh uhi. Tuaziahin, hun khat lai a, mihingte hinna zungpi pen na hi ngai sakhona khu tuni chaing in innsung tawng leh mu phalou gam ah selmang in a om ta hi” [7].

MISSIONARY-TE MABANG PATSA

- Thomas Jones and the Khasi economy

- Rivenburg and the Naga diary farm

- Concept of “Community Development”

“BANG DIA EI MITE HICHI ZAWN TA LAWM I HIAI?”

Zou Tapidaw-te kum 50 bang a upa ahitah man in, Khristian-te “hagau-tahsa-khotang” lam tawh kisai buinate zong piching tah a mudan-etdan nei thei ding dei huai pan ta hi. Zawnna pen mihingte tahsa leh khotang khantouna ding mai hilou in, Tapidaw-te hagau lam khantouna di’n zong nohpha phaban hi. Zawn dan leh hau dan siam ding i gen lai un zong, zawnna galdou ding pen nelsia tuan lou ding ahi. Mipil khat in hichin a gen a, “Mizawng-te a din Pasian pen annpheng” ahi mai hi. Thuhun Lui sung a Jew mipil Agur in zong mi zawngte pen dihtat ut nanleh uh, hamsa a sa vevo uh hi, chi thei ahi ngei dia, Pasian kung ah zawnna apat suahtat ding a ngen hi. Agur in hausat seng zong a dei sih a, zawn seng zong a dei sih hi (Prov. 30: 8). Agur in hau seng leng Pasian manghil kha vang in, zawng seng leng lah gutah kha vang in Pasian ka suminse kha ding hi, achi hi (Prov. 30:9). Zou Tapidaw-te pen a hau seng sang in, a zawng seng a Pasian suminse lam ki hi zaw dan hi. Tum lam Tapidaw-te khenkhat pen a hau seng a Pasian manghil hi kha na ven, hinanleh ei India Mal-Sua lam a Tapidaw-te’n pen tu-le-tu’n zawnna galdou ding tampi kinei nalai hi. Tumlam Tapidaw-te mit a et in, ei Zou-te zawndan pen theisiam hamsa phial hi.

Sum Nah Kang, Zogam Lei Tul Ta, Maban Bang E ?

Delhi a ka om sung in, khat vei Lamka lam mi Delhi a central service sem khat in, “Bang dia ei mite hichi zawn ta lawm i hiai? I thasiat seng ziah hou a zawng hi kha vai” chi’n ahing gen doh phut hi. Tami dotna pen dawn hamsa ka sa mama a, ka manghil sawm zel hi. Hinanleh Zou Tapidaw-te zawndan leh Tumlam Tapidaw-te dinmun ka mu chiang in, a tha in tami dotna, “Bang dia ei mite hichi zawn ta lawm i hiai?” chi ka geldoh zel hi. Delhi a tami dotna hing bawltu in eimi-te thasiat ziah a zawng hidin a hisap hi. Delhi a niteng a zingkal apat nitum tan office a a-nasep dan utawh tekah in, Manipur a state service semte pen aman thasia sa ahi tham ding hi. Hinanleh eimi singtang a teeng, phalva apat nitum tan louhoute pen thasia kichi thei lou a, nanleh a taimat vang un a zawng veve uhi. Zawnna pen mi khenkhat a din thasiat ziah hi thou nanleh, mikim a din thasiat ziah hi gige sam lou dan ahi. Tua ahileh “Bang dia ei mite hichi zawn ta lawm i hiai?”

Dawnna khat ahileh sum muna (income) nei lou ziah, ahilouleh income neu ziah a zawng i hi, chi pen i theisa ahi. Punjab a “Green Revolution” zou apat, India in neh ding bu-le-baal hau mama a, a koina ding taangpang nasan nei non lou a, Indian Ocean tuipi sung ah antang a bag bag in a pai khia uhi. Antang leh buhum inn dim in om nanleh, “income” i nei lou leh ei neh pha ding om tuan lou dan ahi. Gendan tuam in gen ta lei, ei singtangmi-te a di’n lou haw ngai lou ahi, income nei pou lei bu-le-bal India mun dang apat neh seng lou om hi. Pasian in khovel a mun leh gam tuamtuam siam a, bu-le-baal chiinna din ei singtanggam sang a hoi zaw tampi a siam hi. Punjab Phaizang, Ganga Phaizang leh Brahmaputra Phaizang-te maimai in zong India mipi-te neh ding bu-le-baal kiningching tah in piangsah zou hi. Tuaziahin ei singtang mualdawn pen Pasian in bu-le-baal chiinna dia hoi pen a a-siam munte hi khol lou ding ahi. I singtanggam leitang tawh kituah zaw haichi leh theinou-singnou sum (income) mu theina tampi om zaw kha maithei hi. Tuabang thu-le-late lim tah a i kan a, guntu tah a i sui uh poimaw mama hi. Tulai tah a ei singtangmi Tapidaw-te houhaw dan pen Pasian silsiamte tawh kidouna ahidan khatvei i gen kha ngai ta uhi. Sing-le-guate mei a hal tumna, zu-le-vate tawh ki melmatna, leh Pasian silsiamte theisiam sawm lou a gaal bawlna-te bang Tapidaw-te chindan zau huai ahi dan thei hun ta hi. I Zogam a Pasian silsiamte i theisiam lou ua, i kidoupi den uleh, khatvei chiang in silsiamte’n phuba hing la ngei dia, van guatui-te na san in hing nuasan dia, i Zougam sehneel gam gawta hing suah dia, zawnna leh gentheina tua sang a huaise hing tung thei hi. Ei Manipur a singtang lou houte’n “jhuming” (kum teng a loumun kituan) a chiin lai un, Tapidaw gam veve Nagaland ah a changkang zaw deu “terrace cultivation” a pan zou ta uhi. Singtangmi thou Naga-te’n hichibang “terrace” louhawdan a nei thei uleh, bang dia ei Manipur mi te’n zong tua i “jhuming” louhawdan “terrace” a khel thei lou ding i hiai? Naga-te experience apat louhawdan tha “terrace” tawh kisai zil thei tampi i nei ding uhi. Zawnna daldouna a chitah a i pankhawm uleh, silsiamte tawh kilem kawm a neh suidan leh “income” nei dan ding lampi thatha i khuat khe thei ngei ding uhi.

Kam Kibe, Neh Ding Kiam; Khut Kibe, Sep Ding Lah Om Lou!

Ei singtangmi te’n i lungsim leh chiindante khel ut sih nanleh, hunte hing kikhel zel a, i kim-le-vel a bourual leh silsiamte nasan kikhel zel uhi. Tuamiziah tah a nidang i louhaw-singpuah dante zong a hun-le-mun zil a puatha (improve) ngai zel hi. Neh-le-tah suina lam ah ning kum a chiindan hoi mama pen tu kum a din hoi zou non lou mai thei hi. Tukum a sil hoi te kumkia a din a phattuamna neu mai thei hi. I tupna-le-nimna zawnna dou ding pen kibang den nanleh, tuami zawnna doudan ding lampi pen ahun-le-mun zil in kikhel thei tham hi. Tami pen Mangkam in “kikhelna leh kibatna danpi” (principle of continuity and change) ki chi thei zel hi. Sil bangkim a kikhel lai in, a kikhel tuan lou khen khat om gige hi. Hinaleh sil kikhel thei vawt loute pen hinna nei lou china ahi. Ahun-le-mun zil a sil kikhel theite bou omden zaw uhi. Kikhelna sung ma ah kibatna om thei zaw hi. Kikhelna danpi i gen lai in, Ulster Museum (Belfast) a Dinasaur lian tah guguah kitung ka va mu pen ka phoh tha hi. Nidang hun khat lai in, hichibang ganhing lian pipi Dinasaur kichi te’n khovel pumpi na lua dim ua, hinanleh awlawl in khovel bouruak (climate) hing kiheng hi. Hichibang climate kikhen hun a kikhel thei lou Dinasaur-te pen hing zou ta lou ua, tuni’n chiang in chigam siang ta uhi. Dinasaur-te tanchin apat i chiindan, nehsui dan leh ngaidan khen khat nasan a hun-le-mun zil a siamtha, puatha leh khel zelzel a poimaw dan i phoh tha thei hi.

Ei singtangmi te’n i louhawdan mai hilou in, i inntendan bang zong zawnna galdouna di’n a phatuam nai chi ettha ngai ta hi. Nidang in nu-le-pate’n ta tampi na dei ua, ta tam nei pen gualzawlna dan in na kingaisun hi. Damtheina dan (hygine) a kithei nai lou ziah in, naupang li-le-nga piang lah ah, khat khel suata zou lou mawh uhi. Tualeh naupang suata sunsunte zong kial (etsahna di’n Matam) a sina, leh mi pul a sina chite toh kigamla lou uhi. Tualeh naupang etkolna di’n school kaina leh tulai sum seenna-te om lou a, naupang khat nu-le-pa tha khel ahing chin naleh ki thaneh (labour) pain gal hi. Hichibang dinmun ah, lou nasep ding tampi om a, nasep ding (labourers) a tawm gige hi. Ta tam neite pen nasemtu tam nei china ahia, bu-le-baal zong hau ding china ahi pai hi. Singgam-lougam zong kining chiang nalai a, kum 10 -20 zou chaing in Zougam kidua (recover) zou zel a, leitang zong hoi mama nalai hi. Hinaleh ei Manipur singtangmi te lah ah, 1950 vel apat solkal damdawi zatui-zahate hing tung ta sam a, naungeh piang teng phial dam kim ua, naupang tam zaw nungah-tangval a suah zel uhi. Dam louna ziah a misi a tawm mama a, hinanleh naungeh piang pen a kiam seng sih hi. An nethei kam tampi a kibelap a, hinaneh i Zougam leitang in mikim neh ding bu-le-baal ahing pe zou non sih hi. Solkal nasan in mikim a ding genthada, laisiamte sepna ding kham (job) a pe zou non sih hi. Tu hun chaing in, nasem ding mi a tam a, hinanleh nasep ding bangma a om sih, chi ding dinmun i tung ta uhi. I gam a zawnna tampi leh “income’ kiningchin louna tampi “family planning” i nelsia ziah uh ahi. “Bang dia ei mite hichi zawn ta lawm i hiai?” chi dawnna khat ahileh i thasiah ziah hi lou in, sep ding leh sep tah nasep i mu zou lou ziah ahi. Tami dinmun i tunna ziah ahileh i bouruak kikhel zel leh hun kikhel lam muthei lou a, nidang lai bang a ta tampi i nei na lai ziah ahi. Agam leitang in a vah zou lou leh a puah zou lou ding khop sang a mihing tamzaw a om hun chiang in, tuami mun-le-mualte ah ata mangkuan kitu bang in nam-le-nam kidouna-te bang om baih sese hi, chi Kihauna-lam Suimite’n (Conflict Experts) a na musuah zou ta uhi. I bouruak a dih lou chiang in, neh-le-tah suina hamsa deudeu a, zawnna nasa semsem a, nam-le-nam kal kihoutheina tanpha a tawp ah hing subuai thei hi. Tualeh milip (population) zong a gam leitang leh khotang khandan tawh kituah lou a thakhat a apum hulhul leh kim-le-kiang bouruak nahpi in subuai thei hi. Japan Gaal (World War II) hun tan in ei Manipur singtangmi-te lah ah “family planning” kisam nai lou hi. Hinaleh tu kum zabi 21 hun ah, zawnna galdouna di’n “family planning” pen a poimawna lian mama hi. Tami hun kikhel leh khang kikhel a ngaidan tha pom thei lou mite maban ding musa ahi: ta-le-naute school gina a kaisah zou lou ding, naupangte a hing pichin chiang ua sepna hoi muna dia pilna-siamna kivaat ding, summuna (“income”) kiningching nei lou ding, zawnna saltang ding maban himai hi. Zawnna galdouna ah, chindan tha leh ngaidan tha tawh kikhel thei louna pen ei-le-ei suangkul sung a kikhumna chi khat ahing suah leuleu hi.

“Infrasturture” Khantouna Bang china Ahiai ?

Tualeh zawnna galdouna ah mimal a taimatna ziah maimai a septhei-bawltei a tawmtawm mama hi. Zawnna bulpi pen society kilamdan dih lou ziah ahia, mimal khat-le-ni khelna ziah ahi gige sih hi. Amasa in, society pumpi huap a khantouna nasep kivaat ziah a mimal leh khotang a zawnna hing om ahi zaw hi. Khantouna nasep zungpi-te Mangkam in “infrastructure development” ki chi sese hi. Inn kuan khat in kum 10 kham ding bu-le-baal hou khe nanleh, tami pen “infrastructure” khantouna hi bai lou hi. Bazaar nupi khat in sum muna (income) a le-sawm a tam nei be in, TV leh car tha-te lei zou nanleh “infrastructure” khantouna hi tuan lou hi. Society pumpi huap a phattuamna di’n solkal ahilou leh organisation khat lamlian (roads) sial in, lei (bridge) daw in, ahilouleh community hall khat tung ding taleh tami pen “infrastructure development” kichi thei pan giap hi. Aziah pen “infrastructure” khantouna khat poupou in mihing tampi a di’n neh-le-tah suina leh “income” muna piang sah sawnsawn thei hi. Tuaziah in, “Bang dia ei mite hichi zawn ta lawm i hiai?” chi a dawnna khat ahileh “infrastructure” khantouna om lou ziah ahi.

India mun dang tawh tekah in, Mal-Suah lam India ah i gam kumpi in “infrastructure” khantouna nasep a nelsia mama uhi. Tuni tan a electric meivah a i taan uh Loktak Hydro Project maimai “intrastructure” khantouna dia India solkal nasep gentham chiang ahi pan hi. Ei Churachandpur bial ah bang ma “infrastructure” nasep solkal in a nei sih a, Khuga Dam lah tuni tan in zawh ahi nai sih hi. Phalpi-Lamka kikawmna lampi Tedim Road nasan India solkal in “infrastructure” khantouna di’a a sial ahi laizang sih a, Japan Gaal lai a, British solkal in sepaite gaal lampi dia kin-le-bang a a-na sial ahi zaw hi. Tuni tan in zong tami lampi Manipur State solkal in a pua hamsa nalai hi. I vang khopi lamka pen Pasian in vantung apat ahing khiah suh ahi sih a, Tedim Road leh Tipaimukh Road-te kimutuana khua ahiziah a khopi hing suah thei ahi zaw hi. Tami Tedim leh Tipai lampi ka ni tegel om lou leh, Lamka om thei lou ding a, tami khopi sung a nehsuina-tahsuina teng zong om thei lou ding hi. Lampi sial leh lei daw chite pen thu maimai hilou a, “infrastructure” khantouna zungpi ahi uhi. Kum 50 peisa a tami Tedim Road a thauvui-thautang tawh na kidel Japan-te leh British-te zong hun in a nuai mang ta hi. Tuahun lai in, tami lamlian dung mama a Lamka mite unau-le-unau 1997-98 kum a Tual Gaal a kidel ding ahi uh chi koima’n a thei sih ding uhi. Tuban kum 50 zou chiang in tu a Tedim Road lamlai a vah vial mi tampite leikha an maimai kisuah ta dia, hinanleh Tedim Road pen om nalai sam ding hi. Mihing in “Infrastructure” khantouna dia a-sial lamlian-te’n a society uleh a mimal nehsui-tahsuidan mama kheng (shape) kia hi. Mihing-te’n lamlian a sial ua, tuazou chiang in a lamlian sialsate un amau a lehsial kia hi. Lamlian leh lei (bridge) gina kidaw louna munte ah khantouna zong tung phaban lou dia, ngaidan thate luan theina ding “lei” zong sial hamsa pai ding hi. “Infrastructure” i lamsate’n i bouruak-te nasan society phattuamna di’n lemtha thei ua, tuachi’n mihing khutsuah mama “infrastructure” te leh bouruak tha te’n ngaidan leh hindan changkang zaw hing pesawn thei uhi. Ei khang a mite leikha an a suah hun chiang in zong, i khutsuah “infrastructure” te’n i tu-le-tate society tanpha kheng (shape) sawn thei nalai uhi.

Bang ding a singtangmi-te teenna Churachandpur ah phualpi leh State solkal in “infrastructure” khantouna nasep a nelsia uh ahiai? Ei a mipite’n i nelsia ziah leh i thupi ngaisun lou ziah a solkal in kizen zaw ahi. I gam a i society pumpi khantou theina ding “infrastructure” khantouna sang in puansan pou kidei zaw a, volley ball, tarpaulin, leh mimal “saction” pou ki dei zaw moh hi phot ven! Na mimal vote ahilou leh na inn kuan vote sum Rs.100/- ahilouleh Rs. 200/- tou a na zuah leh, na minam zuah na hia, natu-natate mailam ding zuah na hia, “infrastructure” khantouna i society a dia zuah zong na malam hi. “Infrastructure” khantouna om louna mun ah mimal khat-le-ni hausa kha mai thei a, inn kuan khat-le-ni zong hausa maithei ding hi; hinanleh society pumpi ah khantouna tangpi tung thei ngaingai lou ding a, zawnna galdou ding kiam tuan lou ding hi. Nehgu-tahgu leh dihtat louna (corruption) ziah a zong mimal khat leh inn kuan khat hausat thei tham ahi. Hinanleh hi chi bang hausatnate ziah in society pumpi a “infrastructure” khantouna teng ki netum thei a, zawnna gal dou ding a kibelap maimai hi. “Infrasturcture” khantouna om thei na di’n mimal leh khotang a dihtatna kisam a, tuaban ah kipum khat a gamsung vai hawmte kung a i gam sung hamsatna leh zawnna galdouna dia “infracstructure” khantouna kingen thei pan ding hi. Tulai tah, ei singtangmi-te lungsim putdan tampi pen hi chi dan in ka thei hi. Etsahna di’n, Pasian in vantung apat i gam gentheina leh zawnna gaal douna di’n “infracstructure” khantouna ding sum a lompi’n hing khesu nanleh mi tampi in kipahna dan thei tuan lou dia, “Kei ma mimal pocket money ding lah hi lou a, kei tawh kisai kha sih?” chi tampi om din ka gingta hi. Bangkim mimal khan touna, ai tuam phattuamna leh inn sung khantouna ding “mit” maimai a i en gige ziah un, society chi ngaidan nasan i nei thei sih ua, Zoukam in society khiatdan ding nasan kammal om lou mawh a, “khotang” pou chi ngai mai hi. Society chi khiatna i thei chiang in, “infrastructure” khantouna kuuldan zong i theithei pai ding uhi.

Mipi van leh “infrastructure” silte – electric gui gu a taubel a sun, signboard-te saili a kaap siat, lei (bridge) mei a hamtum, community hall inn tung langva-te mimal innlamna di’a guhmang, contractor dihtat lou a nasepna – chite Zou sung a chiindan hoilou tampi in “infrastructure” khantouna nasatah in a dal hi. I gam a zawnna galdouna di’n hichinbang gamtat hoi lou-te mipi melma bang a ngaisut ding kisam hi. Tualeh mipi van khat poupou kineisah ngai a, eima mimal van bang a kepbit ngai hi. “Bang dia ei mite hichi zawn ta lawm i hiai?” chi dawnna kia ahileh i gam a “infrastructure” development gina solkal in a seplou lou ziah mai hilou in, “infrastructure” om sunsunte ei mama in i suhsiat lou leh i guhmang paipai ziah uh ahi. I khosung a Community Hall khat a kilam leh, contractor-te’n ahiding bang in a lam nai chi mi piching zou sia in kan a, thei ngai ahi. Tualeh nehguna om lou – ahilouleh nehguna a tawm thei pen a – tuami Hall a kilam zou chaing in, a kep ding leh zuun ding pen society pumpi mawpuahna ahi kia hi. Khosung apat bang ka netum thei diai, ahilouleh bang ka gu thei diai? chi ding hi lou in, “Society khantouna di’n piah thei bang ka nei diai?” chi lungsim khua ding ahi. Hichibang lungsim mi kim in nei thei sih nanleh, mi a tamzaw in a hing neithei chiang in, zawnna galdouna ah i mataal huaihuai ta ding uhi.

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Notes and References:

[1] National Library of Wales (Aberystwyth) – Calvinistic Methodist Archives, Schedule 27, 314: Peter Fraser, Letters 1908-1932, File I.

[2] NLW – CMA 27,318, File V: The “Bawi” System in Lushai – Dr. Fraser’s Case.

[3] Ibid.

[4] John Bunyan in “Khristian” pen hun tam zaw tangtat sah in, a mimal hinkhua maimai kilang sah nanleh, society pulam ah pen koi thei sam lou hi. Lungkiatna Dawi (Giant Despair) in suang-kul sung a a khum lai na san in zong, Khristian pen society pulam ah om tuan lou a, Gin-om (Faithful) in om pi gige hi. A bubit louna leh kilanglep (unbalanced) na khen khat om nanleh, Bunyan laibu, Khristian Khualzin pen Tapidaw tengteng in sim di’a kideisah huai mama hi.

[5] Kuyper. Abraham, ‘Calvinism and the Future’ in The Stone Lectures (Published in 1898) p. 188.

[6] Kuyper, ‘Calvisnism and Religion’ in The Stone Lectures, p. 73.

[7] Kuyper, ibid., p.51.